The hierarchy of Tibetan Buddhism

I’ve been reading Arjia Rinpoche‘s book, Surviving the Dragon, recently. I highly recommend it, both the overall sweep of history that he witnessed and for various minor observations he makes about Tibetan Buddhism, life in Amdo in the early 1950s, etc. Early on, he makes an interesting comment about hierarchy:

Peter Lee on Tibetan politics and the “state-controlled model”

Writing at Asia Times Online, Peter Lee has a new piece (“China sees US as hedge for Taiwan, Tibet“) which gives a useful and interesting summary of some upcoming issues in the Tibetan political scene, as well as some other topics related to Sino-American politics. I do want to take issue with one turn of phrase he uses — this may seem like a minor point, but I feel that it is important to clarify: discussing the inevitable question of what sort of political conflict will develop between the Chinese government and the Tibetans when it comes time to find the next Dalai Lama, Lee writes, “The new governor of the Tibetan Autonomous Region declared that designation of the next Dalai Lama would strictly adhere to the state-controlled model dating to the Qing Dynasty: selection by lot from a golden urn under government supervision”.

The Future of Tibet

As we find ourselves again at the anniversary of the 1959 Lhasa uprising, it seems natural to wonder about what the future holds for Tibet. As far as any significant political breakthroughs, the situation for the foreseeable future remains quite bleak. There is no evidence that the current Chinese government has any interest in any kind of compromise, and no reason to believe that the next generation will, either. There might be a leadership struggle in Beijing in 2012, but, as far as Tibet is concerned, it is likely to be between bad and worse, or, perhaps, between two equally bad elements. Unless the power struggle is so destructive as to radically reduce the PRC’s ability to exercise power (which would necessarily also introduce a dangerous tendency toward chaos), it is very unlikely that it will result directly in a more conciliatory approach. Another change of leadership would be expected in 2022, and by then it’s hypothetically possible that a healthy liberalising trend would emerge, but that is a long way off.

What is India’s Karmapa policy?

According to this story in the North India Times, the Indian security services have recently been limiting the movements of Karmapa Ogyen Trinley Dorje even more tightly than before.  Since escaping into exile from China in 2000, the Karmapa has been living in Himachal Pradesh at a Gelugpa monastery not far from Dharamsala.  All along, the Indian government has kept an unusually close eye on him: he is constantly guarded by government security personnel, he travels in India only with permission, and he has not been allowed to leave India at all except for a brief visit to the United States in 2008. Now, according to the news story, the restrictions have been tightened further: his visits to Dharamsala are limited and he is largely prohibited from leaving Sidhbari, the town where he resides.

The Western Shugden Society

By Jigme Duntak

While attending the July Tenshug teachings in Madison, I was surprised to see that each day a group of Shugden practitioners were holding a protest outside of the arena where the teachings were being held. The group was primarily made up of non-Tibetans practitioners and monks, but a few Tibetans were protesting alongside them as well. Some of the slogans being shouted were things like ‘Dalai Lama Give – Religious Freedom, Dalai Lama – Stop Lying, etc…’

Shugden Protesters

I had already read into the issue previously, seen a few videos, and read the Dalai Lama’s reply and stance on the issue which he reiterated during the teachings when a question about the issue came up, so I had a basic understanding of what they were protesting about.

The Shugden protesters were handing out pamphlets and small booklets explaining their cause to the few who would take them, so I went and got myself a copy of both and learned from the pamphlet that the protest was organized by the “Western Shugden Society“.

The Tradition of Losar

By Tsepak Rigzin

The celebration of Losar can be traced back to the pre-Buddhist period in Tibet. During the period when Tibetans practiced the Bon religion, every winter a spiritual ceremony was held in which people offered large quantities of incense to appease the local spirits, deities and protectors. This religious festival later evolved into an annual Buddhist festival which is believed to have originated during the reign of Pude Gungyal, the ninth king of Tibet. The festival is said to have begun when an old woman named Belma (rgad mo bal ma) introduced the measurement of time based on the phases of the moon. This festival took place during the flowering of the apricot trees of the Lhokha Yarla Shampo region in autumn, and it may have been the first celebration of what has become the traditional farmers’ festival. It was during this period that the arts of cultivation, irrigation, refining iron from ore, and building bridges were first introduced to Tibet. The ceremonies instituted to celebrate these new capabilities can be recognized as precursors of the Losar festival. Later, when the rudiments of the science of astrology, based on the five elements, was introduced to Tibet, this farmers’ festival became what we now call Losar or New Year’s festival; it was celebrated at the beginning of the so-called sPyid ra stag month.
Historically, there are three major traditions for determining where the sPyid ra stag month falls during the year. Some claim it is the eleventh month; others, the twelfth; still others claim it is the first. Those who claim it is the eleventh month follow the tradition of Konjo, the Chinese princess who married King Songtsen Gampo. According to this tradition, the Losar celebration begins on the first day of the eleventh month. According to the second tradition, Losar is celebrated on the first day of the twelfth month, corresponding to the Farmers’ Losar celebrated in China since the reign of King Trison Deutsen in Tibet. Finally, according to the system of Lama Drogon Choegyal Phagpa, a lama during the 13th century, the first day of the first month of the calendar is counted as the beginning of each year; hence, the Losar celebration begins on this date. Despite these three major traditions, the Losar celebration is held at different times of the year in various regions of Tibet, in accordance with varied harvest seasons and local customs, in some places, Losar is even celebrated twice each year. But throughout the course of the history of Tibet, one standard Losar celebration at the beginning of the year gradually became a standard practiced for the nation, at least at the official level.
Early in the last month of the year, people start making preparations for Losar. As they begin the many rituals and household activities associated with the lavish festivities to come, they become very busy; hence, one hears the common saying, “Losar is Lesar” meaning “New Year is New Work.” Preparations for Losar basically consist of collecting fresh roasted barley flour for phe mar (sweetened barley flour symbolizing good wishes), gro ma (a small dried sweet potato) bras sil (sweet rice), lo phud (a young sprout of wheat or barley symbolizing the birth of the new year), chang (barley beer), tea, butter, sheep’s heads, butter lamps, fried biscuits of various sizes, and fruits and sweets. Locally produced foodstuffs are preferable. A complete set of these seasonal delicacies is also required for arrangement on the altar. The entire neighborhood is cleaned, and houses are freshly painted. New clothing may be prepared, especially for children, but most adults wear their finest set of old clothing; often, a person will own only one such set of fine clothing, which they usually keep locked in a trunk until an appropriate event, such as Losar or the marriage of their relatives. As the big day approaches, any or all of the eight auspicious symbols are drawn on the kitchen wall with phye mar. the mouths of household vessels such as water cans, clay pots and so forth, are tied with white woolen scarves, and window and door curtains are replaced. Lines are laid down in white said along the sides of the path from the gate to the door, and in the center of the path are drawn symbols such as a swastika, which symbolizes indestructible good fortune, or a conch, which symbolizes the flourishing of the Dharma. Offerings are usually arranged on the altar on the last evening before the first day of Losar. Tibetan bread and deep fried biscuits (khab se) of different varieties are prepared in huge quantities days, weeks, or even months before Losar, according to the need of the household; most families, however, prepare them one day before Losar. Khab se and chang together form the basic medium of exchanging greetings. It is a common occurrence that just a day or two before Losar, during the preparation of Khab se, many families suffer losses from accidental fires caused by the boiling oil. However, there is a common belief that such families, even though they are temporarily undergoing a loss, will thrive and become affluent in the long run. Such a notion should no, however, drive one to deliberately arrange an accident of this nature, as such can act prove detrimental to the family, both in the near future and in the long run. Finally, one of the more tragic requisites for the Losar celebration is the mass killing of animals such as yaks, sheep and goats for their flesh, heads, intestines and so on, to be consumed or displayed during Losar.
On the first day, in the early dawn, the housewife of the family runs to collect the year’s first bucket of water. She burns incense at the water source, ties a scarf around the tap, and sets out an offering of the first portion phye mar and chang to appease the nagas (subterranean serpent beings) and spirits. On reaching home, she serves boiled chang porridge while awakening every member of the family, bidding them “Tashi Delek.” Then all, now quite awake after relishing the chang porridge (and some perhaps already a bit soused), attire themselves in their best costumes. After performing their devotions before the altar by making prostrations, reciting prayers, lighting lamps and the like, they take their seats, lined up according to seniority within the household. The housewife then serves phye mar, chang phud and sweet rice, followed by tea, sweet soup, boiled chang porridge, and a set of khab se called dkar spro. When this formal family ceremony is over, the household members run off to their next door neighbors’ houses, chewing phye mar and chang phud while shouting “Tashi Delek!” Children especially love to fill their pockets with sweets and show off their new outfits. On this day people neither socialize extensively, nor spend money freely, for it is believed (with or without reason) that if anyone were to do so, the fortunes of their household would diminish.
From the second day of Losar onwards, people visit each others’ houses, gamble, play dice, cards, dance and sing songs. If the lunar calendar predicts that the second day will be favorable, people raise prayer flags, both horizontally and vertically, on their roofs. And while on the roof, they also offer incense, sending great pillars of smoke rising into the sky. This ceremony is primarily, a ritual of appeasement offered in honor of their deities of the home (skye lha); it is also a rite to increase the family’s luck and fortune, as well as to placate gods, goddesses, mountain dwelling spirits (btsan), local spirits (yul lha) and nagas. This incense offering ceremony is also accompanied by an offering of black tea to the gods and goddesses of the home and the locality; it concludes with the shouting of “Ki Ki So So Lha Gyal Lo!” (“May the gods on the side of virtue be victorious!”) three times while holding tsampa between the thumb and the tips of the fingers of one’s right hand. One then throws the tsampa toward the sky, filling the air with a fine mist of powder. When the incense burning and prayer flag ceremony is held in public, the scene is even more lively and lovely. Some playful and naughty people jubilantly polish others’ faces with tsampa to tease them; people of the opposite sex are a favorite target.
The words and methods of making the incense offering are more or less standardized, as most people and institutions use the text that was composed by Guru Padmasambhava after he subdued the malignant spirits and bound them with an oath to be guardians and protectors of Buddhism in Tibet. This basic text which is common to all Tibetans in supplemented by the invocation text of one’s local deity and guardians. These days an officially published standard ritual text is available for all.
In private homes, whether of high or low social status, aristocratic or working class, everyone enjoys the festivities, ongoing rituals and pageants of the Losar festival, while exchanging hospitality and sharing conviviality. The Losar merrymaking lasts for at least a week, and in some places even longer. Some people even get married during Losar to make things especially festive!

In Lhasa, the first day of the new year is officially called Lama Losar. In the early dawn of this day, the monks of Namgyal Monastery, the personal monastery of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, would offer a sacrificial cake (gtor ma) on top of the Potala Palace to the supreme deity of Dharma protectors, the glorious goddess Palden Lhamo. Led by the Dalai Lama, the abbots of the three great monasteries, lamas, tulkus, government officials and dignitaries would join the ceremony and offer their contemplative prayers, while monks of Namgyal recited the invocation to Palden Lhamo. After the completion of this ceremony, all would assemble in the hall called the Excellence of Samsara and Nirvana (srid zhi phun tsogs) for a formal greeting ceremony. Seated on their respective cushions arranged in accordance with their rank, everyone would exchange the traditional greeting, “Tashi Delek.” Then phye mar, tea, sweet rice, stacks of cookies (stop chen dkar spro), butter cubes (mar zan) and bundles of dried fruit would be distributed.
In order to wish the Dalai Lama good luck for the coming year, consecrated long life pills (tse ril) made out of roasted barley dough are offered to him by the representatives of the three great monasteries, the two tantric colleges, and by the institutions known as the zhe sde, the tse mon ling, the sme ru and the lchag po ri (Medical College). Then entertainers (garpa) perform a dance for the amusement of the guests. Two senior monks stage a debate on Buddhist philosophy, and conclude their debate with an auspicious recitation composed especially for the event, in which the whole spectrum of Buddhist teaching is briefly reviewed. A request is made to His Holiness the Dalai Lama, as well as to all holders of the doctrine, to remain for a long time amongst beings in samsara in order to serve them through their enlightened activities. The official ceremony concludes with a ceremonial farewell to the Dalai Lama, who then retires to his apartment.

The second day of Losar is known as the King’s Losar ((rgyal po lo gsar) because officially the day would be reserved for a secular gathering in the hall of the Excellence of Samsara and Nirvana. The Dalai Lama and his government officials, both monastic and lay, would be greeted by a host of state dignitaries, such as representatives of China, India, Ladakh, Bhutan, Nepal, Mongolia, and other foreign visitors staying in Lhasa. As the Dalai Lam made his entrance to ascent his throne, the monks of Namgyal Monastery would offer prayers of welcome. After the Dalai Lam was seated, the rest of the assembled guests would take their seats. Then the Namgyal monks, led by their abbot, would offer the seven emblems of royalty, the eight auspicious substances, and the eight auspicious emblems, all offered individually in conjunction with verses explaining their significance. This was followed by the granting of an audience to all those gathered, who would receive blessings from the gracious hands of the Dalai Lama. Then tea and other refreshments were served. At this moment, the artists would offer a special dance which was performed only on this one day of the year. Next, members of the zhol bras bug ling operatic troupe would enact a danced called the gar cham. Finally, the newly appointed government officers would receive special blessings at a private function. After all these formalities, a team of sportsmen, traditionally selected from the citizens of Shigatze city, would demonstrate daredevil feats such as sliding down a rope from the top of shar chen chog, the lofty roof of the mighty Potala, to the Zhol Pillar at the foot of the hill. However, the Thirteenth Dalai Lama seeing that this was a dangerous (sometimes fatal) game, banned this particular performance. With such festivities, the day’s celebration came to an end. This day is called King’s Losar because the day is mostly occupied by formal and secular functions for the entertainment of government executives and guests of honor.

On the morning of the third day, the entire host of monastic officials, know as rtse skor (monk officials), would attend an extensive invocation ceremony of all the protector deities of Tibet held at the private chamber of the Dalai Lama in the Potala Palace. Special invocation rites of Palden Lhamo, who safeguards the welfare of the nation, were performed by the monks of Namgyal Monastery. After a break for lunch, the monastic officials (rtse skor) would perform a divination in front of the Palden Lhamo tapestry in the private chamber of the Dalai Lama. The divination, in which balls of dough were tossed in a prescribed manner, concerns the well being of the Dalai Lama, the condition of the Buddhist teachings, and the prosperity of the nation at large. This event is known as the Dough Ball Divination of the Third Day. (tses gsum zan bsgril). It is also on this day that the giant prayer flag of Ganden (dga ldan dar chen) was raised, at the break of dawn. While the monastic officials (rtse skor) gathered at the private chamber, all the lay officials (shod skor), attended a ceremony in which the Nechung Oracle was summoned to possess the medium of Nechung Monastery. In the evening, the government hosted a grant feast at rdzong rgyab, where young artists would sing and dance, and an archery competition was held. The function would then conclude with the offering of white scarves and rewards for exceptional service to the officers from the Treasury Department (bla phyag las khung). This concluded the third day. Later, the Community Leader (mi dpon) would declare that the Ganden Prayer flag had been raised, and early in the morning, the Chief Chamberlain mgron che) would admonish and direct the two monastic disciplinarians (tsogs chen zhal ngo) of Drepung Monastery about the way they were to control and organize the Great Prayer Festival. On the same evening, monks would rush out to the corridor of the Main Cathedral (gtsug lag khang) to occupy their seats for the Prayer Festival (smon lam), during which the senior monastic disciplinarian of Drepung would proclaim the founding edict (bca yig) issued by the Great Fifth Dalai Lama, and exhort the monks to observe strict discipline during the festivals. This officially concluded the three days of the New Year Celebration.

Mongol Pacification Through Qing-Tibetan Relations

By: Jigme Duntak

As early as 1639 the Qing monarchs were documented to have engaged in relations with Tibet through patronage of the Yellow Hat sect (Gelugpa) temples and monasteries. Tibetan cult objects were also already introduced at the Aisin Gioro temple in the Qing capital of Mukden well before the Qing invasion of North China.[1] This relationship through patronage and the adoption of Tibetan Buddhist practices stemmed back to a blueprint laid out by Emperor Nurhaci (see right) where he had stated that “legitimate rule of the Mongols depended upon patronizing Tibetan lamas, whom Altan Khan had established as the spiritual guides of the Mongols.”[2] Relations between the Qing and Tibet therefore existed before the Qing became rulers of China and due to the religious implications, good relations with Tibet were essential for the Qing rulers in order to maintain good relations with Mongolia.

Therefore, Qing relations with Tibet were heavily interrelated with the Qing policy of Mongol pacification which was achieved through the Tibetan Buddhist sect relations, principally with the Yellow Hat sect hierarchs. Under the Qianlong emperor many Mongol rebellions had to be suppressed by Qing forces. In 1756, Qianlong emperor (see right) pointed out that “the western Mongols must have four khans recognized among them, “in order to keep their forces divided. Each has to be concerned about his own welfare, and submit to the empire for protection from the others.” This was the policy of the Qing to maintain division among the Mongols as a policy to pacify possible Mongol threat.

By 1644 the Qing had finally completed the overthrow of the Ming dynasty and had established themselves as the rulers of China. Similarly in 1642 the Fifth Dalai Lama and his Yellow Hat sect, had consolidated their own realm, in large part due to the support of Gushri Khan (a Khosut-Oirat prince).[3] “The Fifth Dalai Lama (1617-1682) (see right) was the first Dalai Lama to assume temporal control of Tibet, aided by the troops of the Khosut Mongol chief, Gushri Khan.”[4] By this time the Qing are the newly rising power of Asia and the numerous different factions within Tibet are quick to recognize this. The various factions quickly begin to send envoys to the Manchu court in an attempt to win favour and support, and to obtain a leverage or advantage over one another. The different factions consisted of the Gushri and the Fifth Dalai Lama, The deposed King of Tsang, and the Karma-pa hierarchs.[5] In 1652 the Fifth Dalai Lama travels to Beijing and has an imperial audience with the Qing emperor in an attempt for both parties to seal a favourable relationship. Upon meeting, the Emperor seizes the Dalai Lama’s hand and inquires about his health through an interpreter[6]. Throughout the meeting the Emperor and Dalai Lama show signs of mutual respect and when the tea arrived the Emperor in fact urges the Dalai Lama to drink before him. Vast amounts of presents are in addition offered to the Dalai Lama. From the conduct of the Shunzhi Emperor we can see that he surprisingly met the Dalai Lama as his equal. In fact there had also been discussion about the Shunzhi Emperor possibly traveling to a place beyond the Great Wall to meet the Dalai Lama.[7] After this formal meeting the “priest-patron” relation had been established between the Qing Emperor and Tibet. Both parties had successfully attained what they had been pursuing: The Dalai Lama had gained assurance of support from the Qing Emperor in order to maintain his power over his rivals, and the Qing had earned spiritual legitimation from the Tibetan Buddhist hierarchs through association, future political manipulation, and also titles of Bodhisattva bestowed upon the emperor and future emperors which gave them influence and significance within the Tibetan Buddhist community. The key of all these factors was that the Qing could now have political influence by establishing themselves as the patrons of Tibetan Buddhism. This was of particular importance in regards to pacifying Mongolia since the Dalai Lama had great influence amongst the Mongols, and was later asked by Qing rulers to use this influence to “prevent danger to China”.[8] According to David Snellgrove and Hugh Richardson,

“Just as the Indian masters of Buddhist doctrine and practice had once everything to give (or sell) to Tibetans who were so anxious to learn, so now the Mongols continued to learn from their Tibetan masters in religion all they could of Buddhist doctrine. Mongol students came to Tibetan monasteries… just as Tibetans had once visited the great monastic universities of northern India.”

In addition by tightening and improving relations with the Tibetans, the Qing rulers were reducing the possibility of Tibetans uniting with the Mongols against them. This was a great fear of the Kangxi Emperor’s, during his reign he, “remained wary of strategic combinations between Tibet and the unconquered Mongols of Central Asia. His concerns had proved justified when the western Mongol leader Galdan enlisted ambitious factions in Tibet to support his cause.”[9] The willingness to completely disregard the Chinese imperial protocol by Emperor Shunzhi (see right) also demonstrated just how significant relations with the Tibetan Buddhist leaders were to the Qing in order to pacify the Mongols. “It must be remembered that Chinese political theory excluded entirely the possibility of equal diplomatic relations with any other country whatsoever.”[10] The willingness to forgo the imperial foreign policy towards the Tibetan Buddhist hierarchs did not center on this sole event between the Fifth Dalai Lama and the Shunzhi Emperor alone. On the 20^th of August, 1780 the Qianlong Emperor met the Third Panchen Lama in Chengde and in this visit he too disregarded the Chinese imperial protocols for foreigners, just as his predecessor the Shunzhi Emperor had done. The Qianlong Emperor extended a huge celebration and show upon the Panchen Lama’s arrival. “As the greetings started, the Panchen Lama began to kneel down but the emperor took his hand and made him rise, saying in Tibetan, “Lama, please do not kneel.””[11] Also similarly to what had occurred when the Dalai Lama and the Shunzhi Emperor met in 1652, the Qianlong Emperor urged the Panchen Lama to drink his tea before him on more than one occasion. However they always resolved to drink simultaneously. The visit itself was very costly with all the large performances and gifts being given on behalf of the emperor. It lasted over sixty six days and all expenses for the Panchen Lama and his escorts were paid for through the Imperial treasury. This showed exactly how important relations with Tibetan Buddhist hierarchs remained from Shunzhi’s reign to Qianlong’s since both were identically willing to disregard their imperial political policies towards foreigners in dealings with the Tibetan high lamas. In fact it possibly shows a growth in the importance of the priest-patron relationship. This was due to the fact that the Qianlong Emperor’s devotion and advocacy of Tibetan Buddhism was stronger than that of his predecessors.

Under the Qianlong Emperor, Tibet functioned as an ideological resource and was subject to strategic intervention of imperial forces.[12] However Emperor Qianlong was unsatisfied with the previous ritual relationships the Qing dynasty had with Tibetan Buddhists. He therefore “intended to make his imperial capital at Peking the spiritual capital of the Lamaist realm…Tibetan Buddhism was enshrined in various temples closely linked with the imperial family”.[13] In 1757 the Qing defeated the western Mongols and the strategic interest of the Qing were lessened, but carefully the Qianlong emperor “decreed that no more reincarnations of the living Buddha would be found among Mongols; only Tibetans would henceforth be living Buddhas.”[14] This demonstrated the use of Chinese political manipulation in the Tibetan Buddhist hierarchy in order to prevent the threat of the Mongols. However this form of political manipulation was much more direct and imposing, since after 1720 the Qing had militarily occupied Tibet due to the Zhungar invasion of central Tibet and Kham therefore establishing Tibet as a protectorate state.[15] “Tibet was under Qing military domination, the Dalai Lamas themselves were virtual prisoners of the Qing court.”[16]

Tibet was “a geo-political sector of fundamental importance in the maintenance of Qing domination, and intimately associated with progressive Qing control over Mongolia.” The Qing emperors made sure to maintain good relations with the Tibet for this specific reason and in particular leaders of Tibetan Buddhism, such as the Dalai Lama. By associating themselves with Tibetan Buddhism and acting as patrons and protectors of the Tibetan Buddhist Yellow Hat sect, the emperors were bestowed titles such as bodhisattva which helped them legitimize their rule in the eyes of the Mongols. Engaging in good relations with the Tibetan Buddhists also diminished the possibilities of a Mongol-Tibetan union in rebellion against the Qing, a fear that was realized under the Kangxi Emperor. Association with the Tibetan Buddhist also allowed the Qing emperors to manipulate the Tibetan hierarchs in order to suit their political motives especially since the Dalai Lama acted with great influence amongst the Mongols. Therefore, Qing relations with Tibet were heavily interrelated with the Qing policy of Mongol pacification which was achieved through the Tibetan Buddhist sect relations.

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[1] Pamela Kyle Crossley, The Manchus (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1997) 113
[2] Ibid.
[3] Matthew T. Kapstein, The Tibetans (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2006) 140
[4] Donald S. Lopez, “Tibetan Buddhism”, edited by Ruth W. Dunnell, New Qing Imperial History: The Making of the Inner Asian Empire at Qing Chengde. (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004) 26
[5] David Snellgrove and Hugh Richardson, A Cultural History of Tibet (Boulder: Prajana Press, 1980) 198
[6] Kapstein, 140
[7] Ibid.
[8] Snellgrove, 198
[9] Crossley, 118
[10] Snellgrove, 198.
[11] Nima Dorjee Rangubs, “The Third Panchen Lama’s visit to Chengde, Edited by Ruth W. Dunnell, New Qing Imperial History: The Making of the Inner Asian Empire at Qing Chengde. (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004) 190
[12] Crossley 113
[13] Crossley 118.
[14] Ibid.
[15] Kapstein 148.
[16] Crossley 121.

Sources:

Barrett, Tim. “The Florescence of Buddhism”. Cradles of Civilization: China, edited by Robert E. Murwick, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994.

Cohen, Warren I. East Asia at the Center. New York: Columbia University Press, 2000.

Choephel, Gendun. The White Annals. Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works & Archives, 1978.

Crossley, Pamela K. The Manchus, Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1997.

Hsu, Immanuel C.Y. The Rise of Modern China. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000.

Kapstein, Matthew T. The Tibetans, Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2006.

Lopez, Donald S. “Tibetan Buddhism”, edited by Ruth W. Dunnell, New Qing Imperial History:the Making of the Inner Asian Empire at Qing Chengde. London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004.

Rangubs, Nima D. “The Third Panchen Lama’s visit to Chengde, Edited by Ruth W. Dunnell, New Qing Imperial History: The Making of the Inner Asian Empire at Qing Chengde. London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004.

Shakya, Tsering. The Dragon in the Land of Snows, New York: Penguin Compass, 1999.

Oldstone-Moore, Jennifer. “The Way of the Buddha”. China: Empire and Civilization, edited by Edward L. Shaughnessy, New York: Oxford University Press, 2005.

Snellgrove, David and Hugh Richardson, A Cultural History of Tibet (Boulder: PrajanaPress, 1980

Stein, R. A. Tibetan Civilization. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972.

The Tibetan Book of the Dead: Bardo Thodol

By: Jigme Duntak

The manuscript of the Bardo Thodol (“Great Liberation upon Hearing in the Bardo”) was first discovered to western sources in early 1919 by British political officer Major W. L. Campbell.[1] Campbell discovered the manuscript upon his travels to Gyantse, a south western Tibetan town. Campbell then gave these books to American anthropologist Walter Yeeling Evans-Wentz who had them translated by Kazi Dawa Samdup. In 1927 the literary work of the Great Liberation upon Hearing in the Bardo was first published under the popular title of The Tibetan Book of the Dead. The book has been described by some as “a powerful symbol of highly organized spiritual attainments, an affirmation of a pure spiritual science.”[2] Evans-Wentz described the book from a scientific perspective in his introduction of his translated work:

“The Bardo Thodol seems to be based upon verifiable data of human physiological and psychological experiences; and it views the problem of the after-death state as being purely a psycho-physical problem; and is, therefore in the main, scientific.”[3]

The Bardo Thodol’s contents describe the realities and experience from the transitions between life and death. It is also, according to Robert Thurman (American Buddhist writer and academic),

“…a guidebook for spiritual practice on two levels: it helps the yogi and yogini develop the abilities they need to traverse the death crisis with skill and confidence; and it gives those who feel unable to prepare fully for death, and are not confident of their abilities, a religious sense of how to seek help from the enlightened and divine and angelic beings”.[4]

Famous Swiss psychologist Carl Jung’s “Psychological Commentary” was published in Evan Wentz’s third edition of the Tibetan Book of the Dead (1957), in which he commented that, “The Bardo Thodol is in the highest degree psychological in its outlook”.[5] The book’s origins can be traced back to the late eighth century, where Tibetan tradition attributes the book’s authorship to the exorcist Padmasambhava, the Lotus Guru (see right), who came from the western region of Orgyen. It is said that the Emperor Trhi Songdetsen (742 -797 CE) invited Padmasambhava to Tibet in order to subdue indigenous spirits that had been obstructing the spread of Buddhism into Tibet.[6] During Padmasambhava’s stay in Tibet, he is said to have concealed various “treasures” throughout Tibet in remote and unsuspecting locations in order for them to be discovered at appropriate times in the future. In the fourteenth century Karmalingpa, a mystic from south-eastern Dakpo, discovered one of Padmasambhava’s treasures. Within this discovered treasure was the Bardo Thodol. The Bardo Thodol, as mentioned was composed in the 8^th century by Padmasambhava according to Tibetan tradition, and was written down by his student, Yeshe Tsogyal.[7]

Although the Bardo Thodol has been popularly known to the west as the Tibetan Book of the Dead, Lama Anagarika Govinda has said that we must not forget that it was originally composed to serve as a guide not only for the dying but for the living as well.[8] Thus the Bardo Thodol has strong influence and connection to the Tibetan people who use it as a guidebook for the transitions between life and death and not just as a tool during the rites of the dead where it is recited to the newly departed. According to the Bardo Thodol, upon dying the dead are “presented with a series of opportunities for recognizing the actual “truth” (de-bzhin-nyid) of that moment”. Following one’s death the mind is separated from the body for 49 days and the dead are confronted with bardo visions of many wrathful deities (see right). If the person is able to distinguish these visions as simply “mental projections reflective of the previous life’s thoughts and deeds then it is said that Buddhahood will be attained”. If the person cannot make this distinction then he is led to an eventual rebirth and consequently further suffering in cyclic existence (“samsara”).

Within the Bardo Thodol are guidelines in order to prepare oneself to correctly distinguish these bardo visions upon death and thus attain Buddhahood. These guidelines strongly influence the Tibetans who follow a monastic lifestyle and also the laypeople who practice to a lesser extent. The guidelines discuss various preparatory philosophical studies and meditational practices which are to be practiced over many years. Solitary retreat is also advocated while practicing a “full generation stage” entitled The Natural Liberation of Feelings which is advised to be done four times a day while in the extended solitary retreat.[9] Following the retreat the “full generation stage” is supposed to be practiced at least once a month. Another practice for, “enhancing and sustaining an unbroken purity of perception,”[10] is entitled The Natural Liberation of Habitual Tendencies. This practice is advised to be performed three times a day “in the morning, at midday and in the evening, throughout the practitioners’ life. If this is not practical then the concise practice should be done twice a day, in the morning and evening, or at least once a day in the morning…”[11] With these multiple instructions derived from the Bardo Thodol we can see exactly how the literary work has direct influence on the Tibetan people since it guides them through exact instructions on how to prepare oneself for the transitional phases of life and death. The ultimate goal of these practices is to “provide a means by which the practitioner can cultivate an unwavering recognition of the nature of the Peaceful and Wrathful Deities within his or her own mind and body. Thereby recognition of the natural purity of the practitioner’s impure habitual tendencies is continuously developed.”[12] Therefore, once the location and nature of the deities are remembered by the practitioner, as well as the recognition that all phenomena, sounds and thoughts are, in their essence, the body, speech and mind of the deities, then a practitioner has successfully trained him or herself.

The Bardo Thodol is particularly important to the Tibetan people of the Nyingma School. The Bardo Thodol itself is an example of Nyingma literature since the school traces it’s “lineage back to the first wave of transmission of Buddhist teachings to Tibet, to the royal dynastic period of Tibetan history in the eighth century”[13], during the time of the Bardo Thodol’s composer, Padmasambhava. This makes the Nyingma school the oldest of the four major schools of Tibetan Buddhism and also makes the Bardo Thodol particularly important to its followers since they both share the same roots. The Bardo Thodol also describes the Tibetan Buddhist views of the “six intermediate states” or the six forms of unenlightened existence through poem. The abode of the gods is a temporary paradise achieved by the action of good deeds. The god’s have many pleasures but their vanity and arrogance deceives them into believing themselves as immortal. However, after thousands of human years, they are too are subject to old age and death. Thus their suffering is the illusion of eternity in their state of paradise. Their suffering lies in the eventual realization of this error. The world of men driven by egoism and ignorance, they suffer from the permanent repeated cycle of birth, sickness and death. The realm of the insatiable is full of greedy ghosts who suffer from hunger and thirst which they cannot appease or quench due to their tightened throats and bloated bellies. The world of hells is both cold and hot. It is a place of torture for those who have committed evil deeds out of hatred and anger. This life is not eternal however, after being punished for their sins, rebirth into a better life is possible. Yama, the Lord of Death weighs the deeds of the deceased who enter into his kingdom, but he does not decide their fate since their fate has already been decided by themselves. The world of animals is a world where suffering comes from oppression by other beings, the devouring of one another, and being used as beasts of burden. The last of the six worlds is the world of the Titans. The Titans are permanently warring against the gods and fighting for the fulfillment of their desires. They suffer due to the endless war and the result of envy and insatiable ambition. From the description of these six worlds, Tibetan Buddhists derive their beliefs of the transitional phase between life and death where one is reincarnated into another form depending on the actions of the previous life. The Tibetan Buddhist practitioner therefore strives to escape these six forms of unenlightened existence and does so with the guidelines placed within the Bardo Thodol to attain Buddhahood. (*See the “Tibetan Wheel of Life” post for more info)

The Bardo Thodol is popularly known in the west as The Tibetan Book of the Dead. This title pertains to the rituals discussed and advocated for the dead and dying within the Bardo Thodol. “Traditionally, to help the deceased travelers (re)gain insight into their ambiguous situation, a monk or skilled layperson will recite guiding instruction and inspirational prayers from special funeral texts, the so-called Tibetan Books of the Dead.”[14] Along with these recitations Tibetans also dispose the corpse of the dead so that their spirits will not linger and remain attached to his or her previous life. Thus cremation and sky burials are performed on the corpses of the dead in order to ease them into the next life. The sky burials are performed by cutting up the corpse and then feeding it to the vultures (See sky burial site pictured in right). The Bardo Thodol also influences perceptions of the signs of death since it describes “visual indication and signs of death”.[15] Various descriptions symptoms and physical indication are also described within the text:

“There are two [primary] conditions responsible for the death of human beings: [First] untimely death and [second] death due to the [natural] exhaustion of the lifespan…The body is composed of the four elements, thus the following portents of its demise will arise prior [to the time of death]: Loss of appetite, dullness of the sense faculties, A feeling of anger which consumes the body, speech and mind, distracted or depressed thoughts, disturbed dreams, character changes, and fading complexion. These are the portents [indicating] that life [-threatening] hindrances may arise.

More particularly, there are the following specifically physical signs of death: If the fingernails and toenails become bloodless or lustreless, [This indicates] death after nine months, less half a day. If the cornea of the eyes begin to cloud over, [This indicates] death after five months. If the hair on the nape of the neck grows upwards, [This indicates] death after three months.”

From these types of descriptions of how life threatening symptoms appear we see that the Bardo Thodol has influence on the Tibetan perceptions of the dying and also possible influence on the medical school of thought within Tibet since we see the illustration of the life threatening symptoms which could pertain to possible usage in the medical field.

The Bardo Thodol, published in the 8^th century and discovered in the 14^th by Karmalingpa, has had a huge influence on the people of Tibet and the other Tibetan Buddhists of the Himalayan region. This text, composed by Padmasambhava, has impacted Tibetan views and beliefs of the afterlife and of the life through the depiction of a cyclic existence in which one must follow certain guidelines in order to prepare oneself to attain Buddhahood through the realization of the mind’s illusions. The funerary rituals of cremation and sky burial have also been in relation to the beliefs of the afterlife depicted with the Bardo Thodol in which the destruction of the body is seen as a method in which to help the dead not linger in his previous life. Perceptions of the dying have also been strongly influenced by the text through the description of various symptoms of the dying.

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[1] Bryan J. Cuevas, The Hidden History of the Tibetan Book of the Dead (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003) p. 3.
[2] Ibid, p.6.
[3] Evans-Wentz and Dawa Samdup [1927] 2000, p. 34. ed. Bryan J. Cuevas, The Hidden History of the Tibetan Book of the Dead (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003) p. 7
[4] Cuevas, p. 8.
[5] Cuevas, p. 9.
[6] Ibid, p. 14.
[7] Graham Colman and Thupten Jinpa, The Tibetan Book of the Dead (London: Penguin Books, 2005) p. xxxvii
[8] Jung Young Lee, Death in the Eastern Perspective: A study based on the Bardo Thodol and the I Ching (New York: Interface, 1974) p. 4
[9] Colman, p. 61
[10] Colman, p. 61
[11] Ibid.
[12] Ibid.
[13] Ibid, p. xxxvi-xxxvii.
[14] Cuevas, p. 27.
[15] Colman, p. 151

Sources:

Colman, Graham and Thupten Jinpa. The Tibetan Book of the Dead, London: Penguin Books, 2005.

Cuevas, Bryan J. The Hidden History of the Tibetan Book of the Dead, New York: Oxford University Press, 2003.

Kapstein, Matthew T. The Tibetans, Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2006.

Lee, Jung Y. T. Death in the Eastern Perspective: a study based on the Bardo and the I Ching. New York, Interface, 1974.

Snellgrove, David and Hugh Richardson, A Cultural History of Tibet Boulder: Prajana Press, 1980

Stein, R. A. Tibetan Civilization. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972.

Tsomo, Karma L. Into the Jaws of Yama, Lord of Death. New York: New York, University of New York Press, 2006.

The Tibetan Wheel of Life

Tibetan Wheel of Life/Becoming (Click to Enlarge)

-This mandala shows the Tibetan Buddhist perspective on life (samsara) through many Buddhist symbols, themes, and teachings
-Yama is depicted holding the wheel, he is a wrathful deity and the judge of the underworld. He is also considered a protector of Buddhism in Tibet.

The Twelve Interdependent Causes and their Effects
-The outer rim of the wheel is the depiction of the “Twelve Interdependent Causes and their Effects”

(Starting clockwise from top right)
1.The first depiction is of a blind old man with his stick unable to find his way. This
represents spiritual blindness and ignorance
2. This picture shows a potter whose pots symbolize his own deeds (thinking, speaking, and acting) with these he moulds his own karma (fate).
3. A monkey is shown in a tree springing from branch to branch which symbolizes the major consciousness which ignorant people spring uncontrolled from object to object.
4. A boat is show with two people which symbolizes name and form, spiritual and physical energy, inseparably floating on the stream of life.
5. A house with five windows and a door. The five windows symbolize the five senses and the door symbolizes the faculty of thought. These are the things by which the outer world is perceived.
6. A man and a woman embracing symbolizing the consequence of sensual perceptions.
7. This picture shows the emotions by which one is stuck like an arrow to the eye.
8. A woman offering a drink to man represents desire (falling in love), stimulation by perception and emotion which leads to a “thirst for life”.
9. A man is shown picking the fruits from a tree which represents “sensual entanglement” which is the longing to keep what is desired.
10. Procreation is depicted through the illustration of a man and wife sleeping together in a tent symbolizing becoming or existence.
11. The consequence of the previous picture is shown through the depiction of a woman giving birth to a child symbolizing birth.
12. The illustration of inevitable old age(decay) and death in earthly existences symbolized through the depiction of the Tibetan tradition of feeding a corpse to the vultures.

The Symbolic Six Worlds
-The areas between the six spokes represent the six forms of unenlightened existence.

(Starting clockwise from top)
1. Abode of the Gods: a temporary paradise achieved by the action of good deeds. Buddha is illustrated in the top right section with a dramnyen (lute) reminding the gods of their limited pleasures and guarding them against vanity and arrogance which deceives them into believing themselves to be everlasting. However these gods are not free from suffering, after thousands of human years, they are too are subject to old age and death. Thus their suffering is the illusion of eternity in their state of paradise. Their suffering lies in the eventual realization of this error.
2.The World of Men: driven by egoism and ignorance they suffer from the permanent repeated cycle of birth, sickness and death
3.The Realm of the Insatiable: Greedy ghosts suffer from hunger and thirst which they cannot appease or quench. They are depicted with tightened throats and bloated bellies. Buddha is also depicted with a jar of nectar for the hungry ghosts.
4. The World of Hells: There is a cold and hot hell. They are a place of torture for those who have committed evil deeds out of hatred and anger. This life is not eternal however, after being punished for their sins, rebirth into a better life is possible. Yama, the Lord of Death weighs the deeds of the deceased who enter into his kingdom, but he does not decide their fate since their fate has already been decided by themselves. The Buddha is depicted in the top left bringing light and hope to those even in the darkest region.
5. The World of Animals: They suffer from oppression by other beings and they devour each other and become “beasts of burden”
6. The World of the Titans: The titans are permanently warring against the gods and fighting for the fulfillment of their desires. They suffer due to the endless war and the result of envy and insatiable ambition.

The White Path
(Shown in the left of the ring surrounding the very center circle)
-This is the “Path of Bliss” which leads to better rebirths and towards a final liberation. Saints and sages are shown leading the virtuous along the path.

The Dark Path
(Shown in the right of the ring surrounding the very center circle)
-This is the path where the ignorant and sinners are dragged along by demons armed with nooses. This is the path for those who engage in ignorance, envy and hatred, and greed. This path leads to hells and bad rebirths.

The Roots of Evil
(Shown at the very center of the wheel)
-The force that drives the wheel from its hub. Depicted are 3 symbolic animals known as the “Three Unwholesome Roots” because from them grow all the evils of life, or as the “Three Poisons” because they corrupt from within. The cock represents greed, the snake hatred and the pig ignorance, and these are the three things that create all human bondage and misery.

Buddha
(Shown at the very top right of the illustration)
-Buddha is shown representing the potential nirvana possible for all living beings. Nirvana is also possible for all of the beings depicted in the wheel of life.

Bodhisattava
(Shown at the very top left of the illustration)
-The Bodhisattava of compassion looks down in compassion. He is saddened for those suffering in all the six realms. The Bodhisattava is the link between the mundane and the transcendental. He represents the drive within the ordinary to fulfill the transcendental. This link is depicted, if you look closely you can see a discrete line drawn from the top of the “White Path” leading to Buddha representing those beings attaining nirvana.

Tibetan Book of the Dead

This has 5 parts.